Mohammed Awni Abu Oun

The recent incidents in Tunisia received great attention at regional and international levels because of the symbolic status that the democratic and revolutionary Tunisia holds due to the Tunisian revolution in the 2011 Arab Spring.

 Kais Saied, President of Tunisia, froze the government and parliament, and granted himself the executive jurisdictions posing a difficult challenge to all revolutionary powers in Tunisia. As for the Arab region, it was also influenced because it continues to fight existing dictatorships and is disappointed with the Tunisian model which it perceives as the sole survivor of dictatorship and counter-revolution attempts.

There is still controversy over how to describe what is happening in Tunisia. Although some deem, namely Ennahda Party led by Rashid Ghannouchi, what happened in Tunisia as a coup and breach of the law and constitution, other legal specialists describe it as normal use of constitutional jurisdictions but are concerned of the risk of having the executive, legislative and judiciary authorities in the hands of one person; i.e. President Kais Saied.

The compass is broken among the rebels who have not exerted any real pressure on President Saied or his regime; which, in best-case scenario, can be described as having manipulated some laws and legislations to stop the democracy in Tunisia. While the revolutionary work is dormant, the counter-work is active and is one step ahead of the rebels, controlling the security forces and army.

These endeavors to topple democracy in Tunisia is not new to the scene. The Middle East Eye had leaked last May a whole scheme for a constitutional coup by the Tunisian presidential office. The coup would include the arrest of government leaders and parliament members, seizure of media outlets and assignment of all authorities to the President himself.

What is happening is the result of long years of secret and open work by countries that are against the Arab Spring and which have, for a long time, tried to disturb the balance in the revolutionary countries through supporting secularist parties and fake rebels or through demonizing the Islamic political parties. The biggest influential factor is the support of armed forces and their impact on the internal situation of these countries.

Although there is no consensus on Saied's policies, there has not been any real opposition that would put an end to them neither internally nor externally. The USA, the Arab League and some other countries have made some comments that do not level up to the gravity of the situation. Still, Turkey was more open and clear in its opposition and rejection of the coup procedures.

Generally, the Arab dictatorships are expected to use their powers to destroy the last brick of the Arab Spring revolutions. Things will, then, roll down into an undefined destination with the Tunisian revolution as the last glimpse of hope. How the revolutionary powers will respond and address the situation will be the main influencer on protecting or losing democracy.