Dr. Hatem Abu Zaida
Political writer and researcher 

Prospects for the return of Benjamin Netanyahu, former prime minister of the Israeli occupation, and the Zionist Likud party -allied with extremist rightest parties- to power increase with the approach of the Zionist elections next November. There is nothing new for Likud regarding its growing power or the power of the traditional Haredi parties (Shas-Yahudat Hatorah) yet, it is about the uprising of Kahanism (movements that bring together national bigotry and religious fanaticism) and the possibility to extract 12-15 seats in any upcoming elections. 

Netanyahu's allies from the 'Jewish Power' Party -led by Itmar Ben Gvir- and the 'Religious Zionism' Party -led by Bezalel Smotrich- empowered their popular and political presence on the Zionist ground during the past two years. They, for instance, rose the terrorism level of the two mainstreams' followers in the West Bank, and exerted serious efforts to impose control over Al-Masjid Al-Aqsa and build the alleged Temple Mount through organized campaigns to raid Al-Masjid and performance of group Talmudic rituals in its yards. They also exploited the existential concerns and obsessions of the Zionists regarding the collapse of the occupation entity as a result of transformations in the regional and international environment, and the long social conflict feeding on religious and ideological conflicts, and racial discrimination for wide sectors of the Zionist society.

Netanyahu's return to power, in alliance with the powers of the Haredi Right-wing and the National Religious Zionist Right-wing, panicked the Palestinian leadership in Ramallah and feared the Jordanian leadership. Following are the most prominent factors that trigger concerns, in case the Republics controlled the House of Representatives and Senate in the mid-term elections after less than two months: 

-Re-proposing of the Deal of the Century, which might accelerate filtering the Palestinian cause and put a final limit to the dream of the establishment of the Palestinian State. 
-Weakening of the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, reducing of what is left of the Palestinian sovereignty's figures in the city and confining their role to the municipal and civil affairs, and transferring of most authorities to the Zionist Civil administration, which takes Bet El outpost as an office.
-Proceeding with the control and annexation scheme, especially in the Jordan Valley that constitutes 28% of the West Bank under claims of preserving the occupation entity's eastern borders, threatening the Jordanian national security. 
-Resolving control over Al-Masjid Al-Aqsa by imposing spatial and temporal separation schemes over Al-Masjid, and building synagogues and shrines in its yards.

What aggravates the obsessions of the Palestinian and Jordanian leadership is the US reluctance and its gradual absence from following the Middle East affairs in favor of focusing on China and Russia-Ukraine conflict. This might liberate Netanyahu and his rightest coalition in case he returned to power and allow him to do whatever he wants in the region, exploiting the Arab deficit and the Abraham normalization agreements. 

Regarding Gaza, it is unlikely any upcoming Zionist government -even if presided by Netanyahu and shared by the Zionist Power Party led by Smotrich- would change their policies towards Gaza. This might refer to the state of deterrence consolidated by the resistance factions during the past 10 years despite the limited military power of the resistance compared to the Zionist military capabilities. 

In the outcome, Netanyahu's return to power -the most extremist action in the history of the occupation entity- might constitute the hardest phase on the Palestinian cause, future of the Palestinian Authority, project of the establishment of the Palestinian state, figures of the PA in the West Bank, and Al-Masjid Al-Aqsa and Al-Quds.