Despite the internal political division in the occupation’s entity and the warning of settlers and leftist activities against the dangers of the annexation, the Israeli government is persistent to move forward with the execution of its plan.

The Israeli occupation’s government is determined to implement its annexation plan because of the current regional status quo. The Arab world is fragile, the Arab governments are racing to normalize with the occupation, and Trump’s Administration is offering its full support to the occupation.

Still, the US Administration has started questioning the annexation consequences. First and foremost, it is concerned about the Jordanian response since Jordan does not distinguish between “limited and wide-range annexation”, and the Emirati Ambassador to US who condemned the annexation because it hinders “normalization efforts between Arabs and Israel”. 

            As a result, the US’ position was divided into one party that completely supports the plan, represented by David Friedman the US Ambassador to the occupation; and another that completely rejects it represented by Jared Kushner and Avi Berkowitz who call for slowing down and preventing Arab countries from erupting against them.

            Such disparity, however, remains unclear as the US is indecisive about the annexation. Mike Pompeo, US Secretary of State, has stated that the annexation is ‘Israeli affairs’ and the US must support the annexation. The Israeli government clings to such statements because of its fear of Trump’s failure in the coming presidential elections.

            At a security level, the occupation is carefully observing the Palestinian landscape and it discusses the resistance’ threats against the annexation. Nevertheless, the occupation knows how limited the Palestinians’ options are, so the people will not enter large-scale confrontations according to Yossi Cohen, Director of Mossad, and Nadav Argaman, Director of Shabak.

The abovementioned indicates four possible scenarios: 

1. The gradual annexation of some settlements and settlement blocs to avoid strong Palestinian reaction and limit the severity of the procedures.
2. The initiation of a large-scale annexation operation that disregards American and regional warnings according to Ambassador Friedman’s vision.
3. The Postponing of the annexation until reaching political settlements and complete Arab and regional support.
4. The termination of the annexation plan and maintaining the situation the same without placing any regions of the West Bank under the occupation’s administrative authority.

Taking into account the information provided and the Israeli determination to implement the plan, it is most likely that the occupation starts the annexation gradually to avoid provoking the Palestinians in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip, and to avoid embarrassing the American and Arab supporters. The occupation is most probably going to annex a number of settlements or large blocs to be the start of the annexation until the final round of partial or complete annexation of the valleys.